Fear is emerging as a topic of the times. Recently, words such as collective fear, fear culture, fear society, and fear communication have been circulating in society. At the same time, academia’s interest in this is also increasing. In general, fear is caused by factors such as personal experience, direct contact with others, or indirect contact through media. In particular, the media impact on the promotion and spread of public fear is enormous. As media has had a great influence on the spread of fear atmosphere, many questions have been raised about the media’s role as a democratic public sphere since modern times. In addition, more and more people are turning to the connection between media and fear spread. This study examines the formation and magnification mechanisms of fear in the context of structural change in the media public sphere. Of particular note is the media’s ‘affective turn’ and the proliferation of fear communications as a result. Along with the emotionalization and ‘infotainment’ of the media, tabooed agenda simplification in the news, the stimulation of peripheral sensation to attract attention, ‘imageization’, ‘spectacularization’, and ‘softening’ are intensifying. On the other hand, with the advent of a new generation that values images, the demand for visualized information and news focused on visuals also increases rapidly. With frequent reports of horrible incidents that are happening and exploding day long, we become prisoners of fear communication more than people of any age. Internet and social media are the key to this magnification of fear communication. Especially in Korean society, fear communication tends to be further encouraged by the media’s frequent drive of non-political incidents and disasters into ideological confrontation frames or political issues.

This paper discusses buddhist peace activist Daisaku Ikeda's thought on culture from a historical and comprehensive perspective. Through a detailed examination of his major works since the 1950s, this paper highlights following features. First, his cultural thought deeply concerns with the multidimensional and interactive process between spiritual cultivation and various external effects of cultural assets or institutions. In this sense, his thought is similar to the conventional view or theory of culture in anthropology and sociology. Second, based on the multidimensional understanding, he puts a special importance on the in-depth role of culture as seeking for human dignity and plural co-existence through a development of a universal view on ‘the religious.’ Cultural activities are understood as the efforts for these normative goals of humanity. Third, his thought is about the intrinsic transformation of individuals and societies and the restoration of humanism. Ikeda emphasizes that one’s inner transformation and fundamental pursue for the larger-self can bring about chain-reactions of others and society in a step by step manner. His cultural thought provides important wisdom and insight to the contemporary society where human alienation, discrimination, and exclusivism continues to be prevailed. However, as his thought contains a wide range of contents, it will be necessary and desirable to develop it along with relevant academic theories and concepts such as human empowerment, social resilience, value creation through social innovation etc.

We usually consider Neo-Confucianists as rationalists or moralists. However, in the mid-Joseon period, Miam Yu Hui-chun(柳希春), who was at the forefront of the distribution of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed Jeom-mong and yeok-jeom(易占), and tried to avoid any misfortune. How could he, who had prided himself on being a Neo-Confucian himself, predict the future without any contradiction? What made him be fascinated with telling his good or ill luck with it? As for the historical development process of Jeom-mong, Yoo Moon-young (劉文英) has made achievements. Recently Jin Sa-won((陳士元)’s 『monjeomilji (夢占逸旨)』, which is related to the Jeom-mong, has been translated into Korean and Japanese. But there has rarely been the specific discussions about the social state or roles of Jeom-mong in Joseon society. So this article’s purpose is to take a look at Joseon Neo-Confucian scholars and the Sadaebus’ perceptions related with Jeom-mong. For this purpose, First, this article has traced the ideological origin of Jeom-mong focusing on the Wang Bu(王符)’ 『Jamburon(潛夫論)』 and the Jin Sa-won’s 『Mongeomilji』, and tried to find out the Neo-confucianists’ thoughts related to Jeom-mong. Second, to look for the basis of Miam’s Jeom-mong, the Korean-language version of 『Jugonghaemongseo(周公解夢書)』, which was widely distributed in Joseon society at the time, and the 『Geoga Pilyong(居家必用)』, which is Encyclopedia of Sadaebus, were analyzed. Third, although it is an incomplete form, it was intended to infer his ideological characteristics flowing at the base of his perception of Jeom-mong. Although it doesn’t get a perfect conclusion through this studying, this would show the clue to presume the historical trends of the mid-Joseon period when the ideologies of Neo-confucianism were not dogmatic. In addition, this article will not only serve as an opportunity to reflect on our perception of Joseon Neo-Confucian scholars, but also to infer the history of Jeom-mong, which is still popular in our society today. Even though times have changed, people are still dreaming, and sometimes encounter the mysteries of their dreams. I think following the origin of this Jeom-mong will also serve as an opportunity to shed light on another aspect of Korean thought.

This study grasped the value of social welfare in Wonhyo’s unconstrained conduct. Wonhyo’s ultimate concern was living beings’ enlightenment, that is, their relief. Wonhyo was merciful Bodhisattva who was deep in their life, lived together, and tried to realize enlightenment in the whole world. Wonhyo’s main ideas are one mind, reconciliation of dispute and harmony, and no hindrance. One mind is the logic of ideological practice for abundant benefit for all living beings and no hindrance is the logic of behaviors (practice). No hindrance is the world which is ultimately sought by Buddhism and another expression of bestow benefits to all beings by returning to our original pure nature(歸一心源 饒益衆生). Wonhyo’s unconstrained conduct for living beings’ relief is the symbol of freedom which is not hindered or obstructed from dong anything and escapes from discernment and practice conduct of Bodhisattva in search of enlightenment through mercy and practice. And unconstrained conduct is mercy and practice conduct and mercy of benefiting self and others simultaneously to feel living beings’ pain like his and approach them as a gesture of freedom beyond dichotomous conflict and split. Wonhyo’s unconstrained conduct to mend the people’s hard life of the people who were devastated due to the suppression of the status system and the wars and lead them to the pure land is practice of social welfare in modern society, that is, welfare conduct. And Wonhyo’s unconstrained conduct for relieving living beings and popularizing Buddhism is the same aim as social welfare to pursue everyone’s comfortable life and happiness by making the dignity of man, freedom, equality, social solidarity, etc. the basic value as the world of conciliation or harmony of diverse opinions which is not hindered or obstructed from equality and a unitary circle by removing all boundaries and discrimination. And Muaemu, Princess Yoseok and Seolchong, the Tale of Sabok, etc. which are Wonhyo’s unconstrained conduct reflect the value of social welfare. Wonhyo led a life of unconstrained conduct for living beings’ relief and true Bodhisattva who practiced welfare conduct, but there have been few direct studies related to his unconstrained conduct and welfare in modern society. Therefore, this study is meaningful as the direct study on the relation between unconstrained conduct and welfare. In addition, Wonhyo’s no hindrance idea and welfare conduct are thought to be very significant to hold on to the value of oriental welfare which regards mental welfare as important in the age of the 4th industrial revolution that material technology has infinitely developed.

This essay presents a way of explanation about the change in the Korean economic development model brought about by the policy change in the 1980s. The Korean developmental state which arose with Park Chung-Hee regime in the early 1960s has reached its pinnacle in the heavy and chemical industrial period in the 1970s. The developmental state’s paradox of growth has led the policy change attempted by the government since the 1980s. The important policy changes which brought about the dissolution of the developmental state and the change in the development model included the rearrangement in heavy and chemical industrial investment, the revocation of policy finance and the liberalization of interest rates, the bank privatization, and the change in the credit management system for the group of large-scale companies. And reviewing the process of the policy implementation can identify the aspects of the state-company relationship varying from the developmental state era. The state’s intentions to rectify the problems generated in the process of fostering and supporting the large companies during the developmental years, prominently have been refracted and setback by the resistance of the large companies which have grown up to the giant forces during that period. The 1980’s liberalization policy inevitably included the regulatory measures against the Korean Chaebols which made up gigantic portions of national economy but had financially-challenged structures. The consequence of the enforcement of policy was not so much regulating Chaebols as favoring them. Yet, if the crux of the Korean developmental state supposedly lay in the state’s authority to control the financial resources as the regulating tool against the companies, it is possible to evaluate that the Korean developmental state was dissolved or rapidly weakened. However, it is seen that such attempts failed to achieve the transition to total ‘deregulation’ or ‘privately-led’ economy. Although many scholars have seen that the Korean development model began to change since 1980s and was brought to an end around the 1997 financial crisis, even after the financial crisis we can witness the characteristic policy cases recalling the policy practices during the developmental state era. Such cases lay bare the fact that the dissolution of the Korean developmental state and the change of the development model came up on a limited basis. The developmental state faded away, but the policy practices between state and companies remain only to put restrictions on the change.

This study analyzed the double-care burden, stress and effects among the middle aged adults (born in the 1950s∼1960s, who are in their late 40s∼ in the early 60s), focusing on their own and the care receivers’(i.e., their parents and children) life transition in the social/demographic context. It found out 1) They financially/psychologically support their children in their 20s who have struggled to achieve the life transition like finishing school, getting a job, or building a family in the unprecedented bad economy 2) They also supported and cared their parents in their late 70s∼80s who had not financially prepared for their late years and found it very difficult to make an independent living in the late elderly life transition. 3) As a result, middle aged adults are not allowed to retire and have to continue to work not for their own, but for their parents and children, which would make them unprepared for their old age and thereby feel uncomfortable and fearful.